WORLD NEWS FOR MONTENEGRO DIASPORA
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Although the current management is doing everything to "put the last nail in the coffin" of the National Security Agency, former director Dejan Vukšić does not miss the opportunity to remind us of the destruction of the State Agency that happened during his, fortunately not too long, mandate as the head of this institution. .
After several guest appearances on the public service, in a recent show held on television owned by one of the "most controversial businessmen" and tycoons of the DPS regime, who is now promoting him as a presidential candidate, Vukšić once again tried to use the extraordinary alibi he gave himself - to hide behind the obligation to keep secret information, thus avoiding any answer that is not in his interest, while at the same time, openly or through insinuations, he says whatever he wants, including a huge number of lies and misinformation.
Thus, he avoided answering some of the most interesting questions, such as the one about cigarette smuggling and his role in this business, hiding behind the success of Milena Petričević, who, according to him, did a great job, while of course he did not say that he was the one who sponsored her dismissal with information which he delivered, because he had projected Jelena Đukić, loyal to himself, in her place. The law does not prevent Vukšić from explaining for what purposes he needed access to the video surveillance in the Port of Bar, which he provided and which of the Agency's officials had access to it. What information of interest to the Agency was collected in this way and to which state body was it submitted? Who are the persons that he extended in other state bodies, especially in the Customs Revenue Administration, but also in the Police Administration? Why was he mainly interested in those positions that could have contact with cigarette smuggling, such as the Free Zone, the border police, heads of certain centers and the like? On what basis did he and his operatives establish contacts with high-ranking officials of other state bodies, trying to recruit them for cooperation, with the request that they not inform their bosses about it?
What did he do when he was informed that the son of the then Prime Minister Zdravko Krivokapić was participating in criminal activities and cooperating with the head of the criminal organization that was in charge of cigarette smuggling in Montenegro at that time? Did he submit the recordings of the meeting between the young Krivokapić and the heads of the criminal organization in one of the hotels in Podgorica to the Prosecutor's Office or the Police Directorate? Let's advise Mr. Vukšić that it would not be good for him to deny that the Agency had those recordings on the same day the meeting was held.
Probably because of the law on secrecy, he can't even announce that he had information about the encrypted phone owned by then-Vice Prime Minister Dritan Abazović, which was commented on by members of criminal structures, as well as some Podgorica starlets to whom Abazović bragged about his "blackberry". It is better for him and for Abazović not to deny this information either, because there is evidence of this in the form of recorded telephone conversations and official documents.
Emphasizing that he was independent in his work, Vukšić announced that no one could call him to ask him to do something, forgetting that there are recorded conversations in which members of one of the most important criminal groups in Montenegro - Budva, through their mutual friend Marko Bata Carević , realize all their interests in the National Security Agency. Thus, through the same Vukšić, Tsarević and the criminals from Budva selected personnel in the Agency and the Police Directorate in key positions, such as the head of the Budva Security Center, or ANB operatives in the line of work of combating organized crime. To clarify, members of the Budva criminal group, through Marko Bata Carević, chose a person who was employed by Vukšić in the Agency and assigned to the line of work of combating organized crime. That officer was supposed to deal with organized crime in Budva, that is, to fight against those who elected and employed him, and when he gets information, he should hand it over to the head of the UP Security Center, who was also appointed by them through Vukšić. This is a slightly less tragic scenario than when Abazović and Kurti appointed an associate of the Russian intelligence services to select new officers of the National Security Agency who will fight against Russian influence in Montenegro.
And of course, Vukšić cannot talk about personnel decisions in the Agency and the Police Directorate, as well as other concessions he made to criminal organizations and foreign intelligence services, because they are secret, but he can assert that he did not work in anyone's interest except for their own good. of Montenegro.
Regarding his and the Agency's role in the events surrounding the enthronement of SPC Metropolitan Joaniki, Vukšić claims that the Agency submitted a high-quality assessment to the state leadership and the Police Directorate and the Ministry of Interior, which predicted everything. For the sake of truth , that assessment was completely flat-rate, without any concrete data that indicated problems that could happen, which the operatives of the Agency had certainly collected, but Vukšić hid. Namely, Vukšić did not provide the aforementioned authorities with the information he possessed, which related to the presence of criminal and paramilitary formations in the Cetinje monastery and other locations, such as members of the former volunteer guard of Željko Ražnatović Arkan, or the Budva, Zeta and other subgroups of the Škaljar clan. He did not provide information about the plans to stone the participants of the meeting who opposed the enthronement, nor about the excavators that the members of the Skaljar clan and the Budva criminal group provided to hire to break through the blockades if necessary.
There is evidence for all of the above in the form of recorded telephone conversations or official documents, for which Vukšić will one day have to explain why he kept them silent and thus risked events with unfathomable consequences happening in Cetinje on those days. Then he will not be able to refer to the obligation to keep secret information, nor to parts of the Agency that publicly present information to harm him, but will have to answer for his actions.
M. J.
